For sometime now, the possibility of introducing a so-called ‘cultural’ monarchy has been bandied about in various circles. The two main democratic parties, the Nepali Congress (NC) and the CPN-United Marxists-Leninists (UML) have not warmed to the subject. Whereas the Maoists have been blowing hot and cold, and it was even reported that they were not above flirting with the royalist party, the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPPN), the main spearhead for restoring the monarchy. The Maoists, previously the most vehement opponents of the monarchy were acting tactically in order to garner royalist support for the election of Prachanda-Dahal as prime minister.
It can be said without any doubt whatsoever that in the present circumstances, the restoration of the monarchy, or even the establishment of an ostensible ‘cultural’ monarchy is a most difficult proposition. The current power equation is such that no political majority can be assembled. Moreover, the interim constitution envisages only a president of the new found republic. Having a ‘cultural’ monarch side-by-side with the president would at best be novel, but at the same time quite utopian, albeit impractical if not  ridiculous. The proponents of this preposterous idea probably envisaged a president limited to political, constitutional and legal affairs; whereas the king would concentrate on the cultural and religious duties of the unique Nepalese head of state.
Thus, it would be his prerogative to visit and receive the sacred ‘tika’ from the Royal Kumari or Living Goddess (which would undoubtedly give continuation to a hallowed tradition) and also to observe the consecrated vest of Lord Rato Macchendranath – of tremendous ecclesiastical importance for the onset of the life-giving Monsoon rains. This would undoubtedly satisfy the religious sentiments of the Nepalese people. Additionally, the king would visit various temples, shrines and stupas on feast days of different ethnic groups and religious communities. This would unquestionably promote the cementing of ties among the heterogeneous people of Nepal and underline the maxim: ‘unity in diversity.’ This would, of course, mean taking leave of the concept of a ‘Hindu monarchy’.
As we have implied, such a discussion appears academic. The protagonists of the notion of restoring the monarchy in any form (it would have to be a constitutional one with very limited powers), including former King Gyanendra and former Crown Prince Paras, and RPPN chairman Kamal Thapa would have to change stratagem. A former PM, Surya Bahadur Thapa last week made the obtuse comment that the monarchy would not be restored by going around temples – a not so subtle sarcastic remark on the former king’s recent spate of visits to sacred places and holy men.
However, the former king’s behaviour documents his public face and his attempt to gain space for further developments. He wisely has abstained from criticising the failed political parties, although he has every reason to do so. He should leave this to others backing him, and this Kamal Thapa has been doing admirably. The younger Thapa should also try to influence public opinion in the districts, where all the big political parties (as in the urban areas) have been discredited. He is on the right track when he demanded that the present Constituent Assembly (CA) be dissolved, as it is not doing its proper work – neither is the constitution drafting process going forward, nor has it been able to instill a new government. On these two vital points, the people can indeed be mobilized.
Unfortunately, the president of the republic (together with the chairman of the CA) has also failed miserably. Even after the record fifth round of voting did not bring forth a successful candidate, Ram Baran Yadav insists in continuing an endless bout of consultations with political leaders, who are not willing to listen to reason. In any normal democratic country, five attempts at electing a new PM would be more than enough. In the current political power configuration repeating the elections could be repeated ad infinitum without producing a PM or a viable government coalition. A new political equation must be created. The country cannot go on in a situation of non-governance and chaos. If Yadav is not willing and able to execute his constitutional duties, he should resign. Last year he demonstrated that he is more than able to act decisively and energetically which makes it all the more difficult to understand why he lacks this resolve in this situation.
Two political exercises are the need of the hour. First, as the people are sovereign, they must decide whether they want a republic or a constitutional monarchy (not a so-called meaningless ‘cultural’ monarchy). Under the coaxing of foreign powers (India and some western states), the monarchy was hastily abolished without consulting the supreme people. Thus, they have the indomitable right of a referendum on this major issue. Second, in the face of near collapse of state institutions, the CA must be dissolved and the people asked for a new majority in fresh general elections. There is no other way out of the impasse.  If the leaders of the main political parties oppose these two reasonable proposals, they will expose themselves as utter fools that give democracy a bad name.
However, if the champions of constitutional monarchy want to garner a solid majority in a hopefully held referendum, they will have to weigh the odds most carefully. The best chance would be if they proposed former King Gyanendra’s grandson Hridayendra as the new boy-king (as we have previously suggested in these very columns). As a minor he would not wield any substantive power and would be completely acceptable to the Nepalese people. Till he came of age, his mother Himani Rajyalaxmi would be the reigning Queen Mother. It is highly regrettable that the print media and TV assiduously ignore the social activities of members of the royal family. However, last Tuesday, the “Nepal Samacharpatra” diligently reported  Crown Princess Himani’s visit to Dolakha district. A woman as acting head-of-state would not only be a great encouragement for promoting the inherent rights of the fair sex, it would also stimulate intense discussions on neglected gender issues. In order for the monarchy to become active again in the role of check and balance, it will be necessary for it to preserve its independence from a single party or person so as to not be instrumentalised.